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Friday, July 29, 2016

Avoiding al Qaeda's Syria Trap: Jabhat al Nusra's Rebranding

By Jennifer Cafarella and Katherine Zimmerman
The leader of al Qaeda's Syrian affiliate, Jabhat al Nusra, announced the end of his group's operations and the creation of a new entity named Jabhat Fatah al Sham today. He claims that this new organization has "no affiliation to any external entity." The maneuver removes a key obstacle Jabhat al Nusra faced in Syria, namely the al Qaeda brand name, but it does not denote a change in the group's Salafi-jihadi ideology. Rather, the break will facilitate the unification of armed Syrian opposition groups around a core that still pursues al Qaeda's long-term objective of establishing an Islamic emirate in Syria.
The cancellation of Jabhat al Nusra's operations and rebranding of Jabhat al Nusra fighters does not remove the group from the global Salafi-jihadi movement, which believes in the use of violence to establish shari'a-based governance. Jabhat al Nusra will continue to fight to advance Syrian Salafi-jihadi interests under its new name. It has not renounced its vision of establishing an Islamic emirate in Syria. It has instead improved its chances of success by removing obstacles to unify the opposition under its leadership. 
Syrian Salafi-jihadi groups want to unify opposition groups to increase the effectiveness of their war against the Assad regime. U.S. Director of National Intelligence James Clapper today noted that the formation of Jabhat Fatah al Sham likely aimed to "create the image of being more moderate in an attempt to unify and galvanize and appeal to other oppositionist (sic) groups in Syria." Jabhat al Nusra and Syrian Salafi-jihadi group Harakat Ahrar al Sham al Islamiya created a joint coordinating body with other opposition groups in northwestern Syria in March 2015 and seized most of Idlib Province from the regime. The success of the coordinating body, the so- called Army of Conquest, proved the value of deeper coordination within the opposition. The groups have been negotiating over a "grand merger" since. 
The decision to form Jabhat Fatah al Sham removes the primary source of the opposition's resistance to a merger. Opposition groups have been hesitant to merge with Jabhat al Nusra for fear that affiliation with an al Qaeda branch would justify Russia's air campaign and cause the U.S.-led coalition to target them. Russia claims to conduct counter-terrorism operations in Syria while using its air campaign to advance other objectives such as preserving the Assad regime. The U.S. is exploring a possible partnership with Moscow against Jabhat al Nusra, moreover. Today's announcement may be timed to disrupt the formation of this partnership. 
It was certainly part of a plan coordinated with al Qaeda's central leadership. Al Qaeda sanctioned the decision to form a new group in a message released today. This was no break from al Qaeda, but rather the execution of a deliberate global strategy on behalf of the movement. The al Qaeda statement emphasized that "the brotherhood of Islam that is between us is stronger than all the finite, ever-changing organizational links." 
Al Qaeda has never seen itself as having to direct, let alone brand, the global jihad. It aims, rather, to be the vehicle that unifies the ranks for the fight. Its founding members, including Osama bin Laden, believed that Islamists failed to achieve their objectives because they were disorganized and working at cross-purposes. Factionalism, according to al Qaeda, defeated the jihad. Al Qaeda, therefore, intentionally supports local Salafi-jihadi groups around the world and seeks to unify them over time. Some bear its name, others do not. Bin Laden instructed its affiliate in Somalia, al Shabaab, not to reveal its status, in fact, in order to protect it against Western attack. Al Shabaab's allegiance to al Qaeda only became public in February 2012, when bin Laden's successor, Ayman al Zawahiri, recognized the group as a formal affiliate. 
Jabhat al Nusra's split from al Qaeda should not affect the contours of the actual relationship. Al Qaeda has supported Jabhat al Nusra through the "Khorasan" cell, which provides strategic advice and guidance to Jabhat al Nusra's leaders. This linkage may persist. Jabhat al Nusra-under its new name-will also continue to cooperate with elements of the al Qaeda network in Syria, including the Turkistan Islamic Party. Salafi-jihadi groups and financiers would still see the Syrian jihad as the primary fight today, furthermore. They may even face fewer restrictions on providing support now that the group is not affiliated with al Qaeda. The split also does not prevent future realignment or mutual support between a unified opposition and al Qaeda. 
Al Qaeda has set a trap for the U.S. in Syria. Basing policy on the formal affiliation of a group to al Qaeda creates a major national security risk as al Qaeda and other organizations play these rules against us. American policymakers should instead make decisions based on the threat Salafi-jihadi actors pose using an understanding of their inherent ideology and objectives. By those measures, the new group remains a core part of the global Salafi-jihadi movement of which al Qaeda is the leader. It benefits from and strengthens that movement enormously. Its rebranding was tactically shrewd. If it befuddles the U.S. into believing that it is not a threat, it will have been brilliant. It is up to America's leaders to recognize it instead for the meaningless gesture it is.

Thursday, July 28, 2016

Russian Airstrikes in Syria: June 29 - July 27, 2016

By Jonathan Mautner and Christopher Kozak

Russia enabled pro-regime forces to complete the physical encirclement of Aleppo City on July 28, isolating the primary nexus of the non-jihadist opposition in Northern Syria. These gains threaten the long-term survival of mainstream opposition groups that could serve as potential partners against ISIS and Syrian Al-Qaeda affiliate Jabhat al-Nusra. Russian warplanes continued to concentrate airstrikes against opposition targets on the northern and western outskirts of Aleppo City from July 14 - 27, allowing pro-regime forces to seize positions along the Castello Highway that serves as the only major ground line of communication (GLOC) into opposition-held districts in the eastern half of the city. Russian Minister of Defense Sergey Shoygu announced on July 28 that Russian President Vladimir Putin would authorize a “large-scale humanitarian operation” around Aleppo City in order to “help civilians…taken hostage by terrorists” while pro-regime forces opened a number of evacuation routes for the estimated 250,000 civilians that remain in Eastern Aleppo City. On the same day, Assad issued an offer of general amnesty for any opposition fighters that surrender to the regime within the next three months. The proposals regarding humanitarian support and national reconciliation, however, coincided with continued airstrikes against critical infrastructure and densely-populated urban terrain within Aleppo City, suggesting that Russia likely aims to depopulate Aleppo City in preparation for concerted pro-regime ground operations to force the surrender of opposition groups within the city.

Russia also intensified its air operations in Eastern Homs Province in a likely attempt to preserve its legitimacy as a viable international partner in the Syrian Civil War. Russia concentrated its strikes on the eastern outskirts of Palmyra – a key crossroads town that provides the regime with a launching point for future operations into Eastern Syria. Russia invested significant resources into the operation to seize Palmyra in March 2016 and spun the victory as a triumph against terrorism that justified its narrative for intervention into the Syrian Civil War. Recent advances by ISIS near Palmyra have threatened to undermine this narrative. The Russian Ministry of Defense announced that it sortied six long-range strategic bombers from Russia to strike alleged ISIS targets near Palmyra on July 21, marking the second such sortie in the past month. The regime later deployed over 1,000 Iranian-backed Iraqi and Afghan Shi’a militia fighters to Palmyra on July 25 in order to reinforce the defenses of the city. Russia will likely continue to prioritize its campaign against ISIS in Eastern Homs Province in order to preempt its potential resurgence in the region and protect its claims to be a credible partner against violent extremism.

Russia continues to wage its air campaign in a manner aimed at shaping the terms of a potential end-state to the Syrian Civil War in accordance with its strategic objectives. Putin has leveraged his role in the conflict in order to attract the U.S. into a one-sided partnership that will ultimately benefit Assad. On July 26, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry stated that talks regarding potential cooperation with Russia in Syria against ISIS and Jabhat al-Nusra had been “making progress” and noted that final details could be announced as early as August 2016. The continued consideration of a bilateral deal despite the looming siege of Aleppo City will likely encourage Russia to continue its operations unchecked against large swaths of the mainstream opposition under the guise of counter-terrorism. Continued attacks against mainstream opposition groups will fuel further radicalization and consolidation under the leadership of jihadist groups. At the same time, Russia continued to promote itself as a constructive diplomatic actor by participating in a trilateral meeting with the U.S. and UN Special Envoy to Syria Staffan de Mistura on July 26 that urged a resumption of political negotiations. Russia will use its military influence to set conditions on the ground that force the U.S. into tacit acceptance of the long-term preservation of the regime.

The following graphic depicts ISW’s assessment of Russian airstrike locations based on reports from local Syrian activist networks, statements by Russian and Western officials, and documentation of Russian airstrikes through social media. This map represents locations targeted by Russia’s air campaign, rather than the number of individual strikes or sorties. 

High-Confidence reporting. ISW places high confidence in reports corroborated by documentation from opposition factions and activist networks on the ground in Syria deemed to be credible that demonstrate a number of key indicators of Russian airstrikes.

Low-Confidence reporting. ISW places low confidence in reports corroborated only by multiple secondary sources, including from local Syrian activist networks deemed credible or Syrian state-run media.



Monday, July 25, 2016

Iraq Situation Report: July 19-25, 2016

By Emily Anagnostos and the ISW Iraq Team

ISIS detonated a Suicide Vest (SVEST) in Kadhimiyah in northwestern Baghdad on July 24, and a Suicide Vehicle Borne-IED (SVBIED) at a checkpoint in Khalis, in Diyala Province, on July 25 in order to distract from anti-ISIS operations and undermine the Iraqi state. The spectacular attacks undermine the narrative that recapturing Fallujah would increase security for Baghdad. The attack at an entrance of Kadhimiyah, the seat of a major Shi’a shrine, also demonstrates ISIS’s continued capability to infiltrate secured areas of Baghdad, despite increased security after the Karrada attack on July 3. ISIS last carried out a successful attack in Kadhimiyah on May 11 at a checkpoint. The Iraqi Security Forces (ISF) cannot allocate additional manpower to Baghdad without detracting from ongoing operations in northern and western Iraq. Successful ISIS attacks will likely increase in Baghdad and its environs as the ISF contests remaining ISIS terrain in northern and western Iraq. Meanwhile, the Popular Mobilization inserted itself into slowed ISF operations in Qayyarah and Shirqat in order to set conditions for their participation in Mosul. Shi’a militias, including Sadrist Trend affiliated Saraya al-Salaam, Iranian-backed proxy militias, and those affiliated with the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq (ISCI) moved forces towards Shirqat starting on July 19. The deployment follows the announcement that 560 U.S. forces will deploy to Qayyarah airbase, which Shi’a militias have condemned. The Popular Mobilization will also attempt to insert itself into northern operations in order to avoid being boxed out of operations in Mosul. The Coalition, Kurdish officials, and the Ninewa provincial government strongly advocated for a lack of militia involvement in northern Iraq out of fear of Shi’a-Sunni sectarian reprisals in terrain already contested between Sunni Arabs and Kurds. So far, operations in northern Iraq have been largely conducted by the ISF, tribal fighters, and Peshmerga with Coalition support. Its presence may also make it difficult to deconflict Coalition and militia operations. 

Prime Minister Haidar al-Abadi accepted the resignation of seven ministers on July 19 and July 20, suggesting that PM Abadi will seek to restart the Cabinet reshuffle process. The seven ministers, all from the pan-Shi’a National Alliance, include the three Sadrist Trend-affiliated Ahrar ministers and two of the ISCI ministers, who offered their resignations to PM Abadi in March and April as a show of support for the Cabinet reshuffle. PM Abadi left the offers unanswered until now. The timing of PM Abadi’s acceptance of the resignations may suggest that he intends to reopen the Cabinet reshuffle process. He may also seek to circumvent attempts by political competitors, primarily the Reform Front, led by former PM Nouri al-Maliki, and Muqtada al-Sadr, to set the terms of the reshuffle that would suit their interests. PM Abadi will need to maneuver the reshuffle process in order to appease reformers such as Sadr while maintaining cohesion with all political parties – namely the Kurds – in the Council of Representatives (CoR). PM Abadi may not survive a second failed Cabinet reshuffle or a re-fracturing of the CoR. Meanwhile, Maliki is working behind the scenes to garner a political support base and convince other political forces to support him as a candidate for the premiership should the reshuffle fail.



Failed Coup in Turkey: Implications for Russia-Turkey Relations

By Kathleen Weinberger and Franklin Holcomb 


This post represents the second in a series examining the implications of the failed coup in Turkey.  President Erdogan has extended the State of Emergency for an additional three months and has begun purging the military as well as other sectors of Turkish society in the aftermath of the coup.  This series will examine both the short- and long-term implications of likely actions by Erdogan beginning as they relate to Syria and Russia. 

Key Takeaway: The failed coup in Turkey has the potential to decrease U.S. influence in Syria and further divide NATO, and Russian President Vladimir Putin will engage Turkey to cement the divide. Turkey’s security crisis may interfere with NATO’s ability to maintain stores of nuclear weapons rumored to be hosted at Incirlik air base, which would grant Russia a symbolic and strategic advantage in reducing NATO’s deterrent capabilities.  

The attempted Turkish military coup on July 15, 2016 and subsequent purge of military and civilian positions by Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan will play into Russia’s hands. Russia aims to reduce U.S. influence in Syria and the broader Middle East and has recently been courting Turkey to drive a wedge between Turkey and its Western allies that will ultimately weaken NATO. After a period of tense relations following the shoot down of a Russian Su-24 jet by Turkish forces in November 2015, Turkey and Russia took steps towards a gradual rapproachment in June 2016. Turkish President Erdogan’s policies following the failed coup are likely to isolate Turkey from the EU and NATO allies.  Russia will target Turkey during a time of military and diplomatic vulnerability to accelerate this outcome.

Russia positioned itself during and immediately after the coup as a close ally of the Erdogan regime. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov indicated the possibility of providing President Erdogan political asylum during the coup, signaling support for the Turkish President before the U.S., Germany and other NATO members. Russian media has been also framing a narrative that Russian intelligence agencies might have provided advance notice of the coup to Erdogan. These allegations have been denied by Kremlin spokesperson Dmitri Peskov, but were initially disseminated by state media agents such as TASS and Sputnik.[i] In addition, Russia’s Federal Air Transport Agency (Rosaviatsiya) lifted the travel ban on flights to Turkey after the Turkish government guaranteed the safety of Russian citizens on July 22.[ii]

Turkey, in its turn, has continued to mend its relations with Russia. Two Turkish pilots who downed the Russian jet in November 2015 were detained over links to the coup attempt. Turkish officials have also come out with the statement that the pilots had made the decision to shoot down the plane independently. The acceptance of this statement by both the Russian and Turkish sides allows for further reconciliation of this point, as well as the ability to identify a common enemy in ‘deviant’ Turkish military branches. Russian President Vladimir Putin and President Erdogan will meet during the first week of August and will most likely discuss cooperation in Syria. Russia may press for permission to use the NATO air base at Incirlik, although it is unlikely that Turkey would be allowed to grant Russia access as long as it remains in the alliance. However, this offer was previously alluded to and then retracted by Turkey in early July. Turkey and Russia could foreseeably reach a compromise regarding support for competing groups in Syria, with Russia agreeing to cease its public support for and alleged supply of weapons to Kurds in Turkey and Syria if Turkey uses its influence over select opposition groups to reduce fighting near Russian basing.

Closer cooperation between Russia and Turkey in Syria would mean that the U.S. could no longer utilize Turkey’s firm stance on issues such as Assad’s removal and support for specific opposition groups to leverage its negotiations with Russia.[iii] The coup also has implications for Turkey’s willingness and ability to fulfill its role as a host of a component of NATO’s nuclear deterrent, which could be used by Russia to show a further division of the alliance. Turkey is rumored to be one of five NATO countries in Europe that hosts B-61 gravity bombs. These weapons are allegedly stored at Incirlik airbase. NATO operations were temporarily halted at Incirlik following the coup and the base was disconnected from commercial electric power supply until July 22. Turkish authorities arrested the commander of Incirlik airbase, General Bekir Ircan Van, who allegedly took part in the coup. Continued disruption of operations or doubts about the security of the purported weapons stores may limit Turkey’s reliability as a host for NATO’s nuclear deterrent in Europe. If these weapons were removed, Russia could foreseeably use this as evidence of Turkey’s shift towards Russia and away from the NATO alliance.

President Putin may use the narrative of guarding against a similar coup taking place in Russia to justify the intensification of ongoing efforts to attack political opposition and tighten control over Russia’s security apparatus. Two pieces of legislation, the “anti-terrorism” bill that was passed in June 2016 and the “foreign agents” law of 2012 provide Putin with substantial powers to track and prosecute potential enemies of his regime. The “anti-terrorism” legislation has not come into effect and only one criminal case has so far been opened under the “foreign agents” law.[iv] It is likely that Putin will begin utilizing these tools to attack political opponents and crack down if protests erupt leading up to the elections in Russia’s lower house of parliament on September 18.[v]  The failed coup in Turkey will allow President Putin political leverage by which to tighten his control over Russia’s security apparatus. Putin has already undertaken measures to secure his position against a coup, including creating the  National Guard force, which is commanded by Putin’s former bodyguard and responsible to the executive rather than the Ministry of Defense. Turkey’s coup will be used to justify further measures, such as wider application of the new surveillance legislation or expansion of executive powers, to secure Putin’s position against public resistance or a military uprising.

It is unlikely that Turkey and Russia will pursue a long-term partnership as the two countries hold contradictory strategic interests. However, Russia may be able to use Turkey to accomplish short term goals, such as gaining more influence and international legitimacy for its intervention in Syria and driving a wedge between Turkey and its Western allies. As President Erdogan introduces increasingly authoritarian measures in the wake of the failed coup, EU members and NATO allies may increasingly reject Turkey as a partner. Russia can capitalize on Turkey’s isolation by drawing it further from these institutions in order to undermine their unity and reduce their efficacy in countering revanchist Russian policy in Europe and the Middle East.




The following sources link to Russian domains and should be accessed with caution:
[i] “Kremlin Unaware of Reports Claiming Russia Warned Turkey of Coup Attempt.” Sputnik, July 21, 2016, http:\\sputniknews.com/world/20160721/1043388268/russia-turkey-coup-warning-denial.html; “Hours Before Military Coup Attempt, Turkey Warned by Russia – Reports.” Sputnik, July 21, 2016, http: \\sputniknews.com/russia/20160721/1043373832/russia-warned-turkey-coup-attempt.html; “Russia warned Turkey of imminent army coup, says Iran’s FNA,” TASS, July 21, 2016, http://tass.ru/en/world/889638
[ii] “Rosaviatsiya removes the ban on passenger flights to Turkey,” Gazeta.ru, July 22, 2016, https: \\www.gazeta.ru/business/news/2016/07/22/n_8909015.shtml
[iii] “Turkey No Longer an Obstacle to the US-Russian Cooperation in Syria,” Sputnik, July 22, 2016, http: \\sputniknews.com/politics/20160722/1043453586/turkey-russia-us-syria-cooperation.html
[iv]“Russia Opens First Criminal Case Against ‘Foreign Agent’ NGO,” The Moscow Times, June 28, 2016, https: \\themoscowtimes.com/news/russia-opens-first-criminal-case-against-foreign-agent-ngo-53466
[v]“Russia’s Justice Ministry Defines ‘Political Activity of Foreign Agents,” January 22, 2016, https: \\themoscowtimes.com/news/russias-justice-ministry-defines-political-activity-of-foreign-agents-51553

Friday, July 22, 2016

Failed Coup in Turkey: Implications for the Syrian Civil War

By: Christopher Kozak


This post represents the first in a series examining the implications of the failed coup in Turkey.  President Erdogan has extended the State of Emergency for an additional three months and has begun purging the military as well as other sectors of Turkish society in the aftermath of the coup.  This series will examine both the short- and long-term implications of likely actions by Erdogan beginning as they relate to Syria and Russia. 

The failed coup attempt in Turkey on July 15 will undermine elements of the Syrian opposition in the near term and could also disrupt the campaign against the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) in Syria. The actors that stand to gain in the short-term include the regime, ISIS, and Syrian Kurds working with the U.SIn the long-term, Turkish President Recep Erdogan will emerge stronger and better positioned to further his various objectives in Syria.

Turkish President Recep Erdogan and his ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) have several objectives in Syria. Erdogan has long provided covert support to opposition groups including al-Qaeda’s affiliate in Syria, Jabhat al-Nusra and other Salafi-Jihadist groups such as Ahrar al-Sham in order to overthrow Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. Turkey participates in the U.S.-led anti-ISIS mission as well, but it uses its strategic position to block the U.S. from deeper partnership with the Syrian Kurds – the main U.S. ally in Northern Syria. In the immediate term, Turkey’s ability to implement these policies beyond its borders will be limited as Erdogan conducts an aggressive purge of state institutions, including the Turkish Armed Forces and Turkish National Intelligence Organization (MIT). This disruption will impose short-term costs but enable long-term benefits for Erdogan’s agenda in Syria and the region.

Erdogan supports opposition groups fighting against the regime in line with his strategic objective to reshape the region into a constellation of friendly states run by Sunni Muslims and led by Turkey. The attempted coup will disrupt this flow of material, financial, and intelligence support. The opposition will likely take an operational pause in response to this slowdown, leaving them vulnerable to pressure from pro-regime forces. President Bashar al-Assad may exploit this pause to complete the encirclement of Aleppo City before Turkey regains the initiative, eliminating a key bastion of non-jihadist opposition groups that constitute potential long-term partners for the U.S. against ISIS and Al-Qaeda.

The Syrian Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG) will also likely exploit this disruption to complete the establishment of an autonomous federal region along the Syrian-Turkish Border from Aleppo to Hasaka Province. The YPG constitutes the primary partner for the U.S. in Syria but is considered a strategic threat by Turkey due to its links to the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). Turkey has used military threats and diplomatic pressure to contest all progress towards a contiguous zone ruled by the YPG in Northern Syria. In exchange for its cooperation against ISIS, Turkey received guarantees from the U.S. that the YPG would not seize the final stretch of territory between its disconnected cantons in Northern Aleppo Province. The YPG could now elect to break this commitment while Turkey remains incapable of mustering a coherent military response. This decision would set the stage for long-term ethnic conflict and force the U.S. to choose between its two most valuable partners in the fight against ISIS in Northern Syria.

ISIS could also launch new operations to reassert its control over parts of the Syrian-Turkish Border. Turkey has provided extensive military support to opposition groups along the so-called ‘Mare’a Line’ in Northern Aleppo Province as a counterweight to the Syrian Kurdish YPG. The likely disruption of this support in the immediate aftermath of the coup leaves these groups vulnerable to a renewed offensive by ISIS to seize the key cross-border hub of Azaz. ISIS may also use the current disorder within the Turkish Armed Forces along the Syrian-Turkish Border to import additional fighters and resources into Syria to bolster its ranks following several months of battlefield setbacks. ISIS could also use the confusion to smuggle new cells into Turkey in preparation for future attacks in Europe.

The U.S.-led anti-ISIS effort also stands at risk now that Erdogan holds a clear path towards authoritarian rule. Incirlik Airbase in Southern Turkey constitutes the primary base for air operations against ISIS in Northern Syria. Erdogan granted permission for the U.S. to conduct sorties from Incirlik Airbase in July 2015 in exchange for guarantees against further expansion along the border by the Syrian Kurdish YPG. The ongoing wave of purges after the coup risks undermining these advances in the relationship between the U.S. and Turkey. U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry warned on July 18 that NATO will carefully observe whether Turkey continues to meet its “requirements with respect to democracy” in an implicit warning to Erdogan as the purges expanded to encompass ever-greater portions of civil society. On the same day, Turkish Prime Minister Binali Yildirim stated that Turkey could “question our friendship” with the U.S. if its leaders failed to respond to a formal extradition request targeting former cleric Fethullah Gulen for his alleged role in the coup. These tensions could lead to a disruption or full cancellation of anti-ISIS operations based out of Incirlik Airbase. Turkey temporarily halted all operations out of Incirlik Airbase until July 17, while electrical power to the base reportedly remains cut. The loss of Incirlik Airbase would not preclude continued operations against ISIS in Northern Syria, but the collapse of relations would complicate ongoing military efforts and slow the current momentum against ISIS in Northern Syria.

Erdogan will use the coup attempt to remove the obstacles that constrained his ability to take a more active role in the Syrian Civil War over the long-term. The Turkish Armed Forces reportedly opposed his calls for intervention into the conflict. The ongoing purge will ultimately make the military instrument responsive to the personal ambitions of Erdogan, eliminating future roadblocks to more aggressive proposals, including the provision of anti-aircraft missiles to the opposition or the establishment of a ‘safe zone’ along the Syrian-Turkish Border. Any such escalation could place Turkey into direct conflict with major regional powers, particularly Iran and Russia, while applying tremendous strain to the U.S. and Europe via NATO. The coup thus raises the risk of a wider conflict that fuels the spread of regional disorder and erodes the strategic interests of the U.S.

Ukraine Warning Update: Possible Clashes Could Trigger Snap Elections

By Nataliya Bugayova, Kathleen WeinbergerFranklin Holcomb and the ISW Russia-Ukraine Team

Key Takeaway: President Putin and pro-Russia actors within Ukraine aim to trigger snap parliamentary elections to bring pro-Russian and populist parties to power and start rebuilding the client regime. ISW assesses that Russia intends to provoke clashes during a large march of Orthodox Christians to Kyiv on July 27 to cause a crisis, to try to set conditions for snap elections. Russia’s military action against Ukraine failed to reverse the political defeat dealt to Russia when the Euromaidan movement came into power in 2014. President Putin seeks to find lower profile methods of regaining control of Ukraine, including exploiting lack of political unity and decreasing public support for the current Ukrainian governing coalition. Bringing Ukraine back to Russia’s orbit is a major strategic objective for President Putin in his efforts to reassert Russia’s power globally.

Tripwire: The Ukrainian government may face a Russian-provoked political crisis if clashes erupt between Russian Orthodox members and Ukrainian nationalists, as this could be sufficient to undermine the governing coalition’s mandate, forcing snap elections and allowing pro-Russia and populist parties to regain political influence. The “All Ukrainian Crusade for Peace,” a march of thousands of Orthodox Christian believers, departed from its primary rallying points in Svyatohirs’k in the east and Pochaiv in the west on July 03 headed for the Ukrainian capital of Kyiv. The march, the first of its kind, will move throughout Ukraine, including separatist controlled territory, and will culminate on July 27th in Kyiv with services projected to be attended by 30,000 people. Ukrainian officials claimed  on July 16th that Russian intelligence services have infiltrated the march and are preparing provocations to spark clashes. Ukrainian nationalist groups, opposed to the Orthodox march due to its ties to Russia, have blocked roads along the procession and announced their intention to refuse the march entrance to the center of Kyiv. Ukrainian security services are on high alert. The Ukrainian Ministry of Internal Affairs formed a “coordination council” to safeguard the Orthodox march and prevent violence.

Pattern: Russia has previously utilized pro-Russia social movements and the narrative of religious and political rights violations to mobilize resistance against state governments. This is a strategy that has been used in separatist areas in Ukraine, in Georgia in 2008, in the breakaway region of Transnistria in Moldova and with regard to ethnic Russians in the Baltic States. Russia has undertaken a deliberate media campaign since the march began to frame Ukrainian nationalists, who they claim are terrorizing[i] and threatening[ii] the Orthodox believers, as likely perpetrators of violence. These accusations are consistent with Russia’s efforts to frame[iii] Ukraine as a latently fascist society that targets Russian Orthodox[iv] believers and Russian speakers in Ukraine. Russia might use women and children participating in the march as human shields as has been done by Russian proxies in Eastern Ukraine, in order to perpetrate this narrative and further undermine Ukraine’s image in the international community.

Timing: The march is occurring as opposition parties in Ukraine openly prepare themselves for early parliamentary elections. Although the current Ukrainian government holds a mandate until 2019, snap parliamentary elections can be automatically triggered if the parliament is not able to operate for 30 days or if called by the president at will. While Ukraine is showing some progress towards further integration with the EU and rebuilding the economy, the Ukrainian government remains politically vulnerable. Public approval of parliament’s performance and of President Poroshenko is low, the economic situation continues to stagnate, and there is an overall lack of consolidation among pro-western forces. Violent clashes between marchers and Ukrainian nationalists could trigger snap elections by causing political and social chaos that would allow opposition parties to claim that the ruling party no longer holds a mandate. Political players in Ukraine have positioned themselves to increase their presence in parliament in the case that elections are called:

  • Pro-Russian former allies of former-President Viktor Yanukovich are preparing for a political comeback. Leaders and members of the Opposition Bloc, the successor to Yanukovich’s pro-Russian Party of Regions, were forced to assume a low profile after he was ousted in 2014. However, recently Opposition Bloc members have begun to reemerge and reinsert themselves into Ukrainian politics. The Opposition Bloc attempted to establish a perception of legitimacy when it claimed victory[v] in a number of local elections in eastern and southwestern Ukraine in October 2015. They have openly called for the new parliamentary elections.
  • Ukrainian political parties that are not overtly pro-Russia but oppose the Ukrainian government are attempting to gain political influence as support for the governing coalition wanes. Yulia Tymoshenko, leader of the Fatherland Party and former Ukrainian Prime Minister, called for early elections most recently on July 18th. Tymoshenko has allied herself with the leader of the Opposition Bloc and former close ally of President Victor Yanukovich, Yuri Boyko. Tymoshenko and Boyko blockaded the podium of Ukraine’s parliament on July 12th in a protest with highly populist economic overtones. Tymoshenko also aligned herself with the leader of the Radical Party Oleh Lyashko to lead a populist demonstration[vi] in Kyiv on July 6 to protest rising gas prices while accusing Ukrainian President Poroshenko and Ukrainian Prime Minister Volodymyr Hroysman of organizing “tariff genocide.” 
  • Reformist and western-oriented politicians in Ukraine have been preparing to join the political race by posturing as reformist alternatives to the Petro Poroshenko Bloc. Former Georgian President and Governor of Odesa Mikheil Saakashvili indicated in May that he will form his own political party in Ukraine. Pro-Western politicians affiliated with the Euromaidan movement also aim to create their own reformist “Democratic Alliance party.”   
Assessment: The eruption of clashes on or around July 27th could provide opposition groups and pro-Russian forces with sufficient leverage to trigger early elections in Ukraine. The opposition parties will try to exploit low approval ratings of the current government, a deteriorating economic situation, and the lack of unity in pro-western factions to win more seats in parliament. If pro-western reformist parties maintain political unity heading into elections, however, they could stop the Russian loyalists and populists from making significant gains in the elections.
  • Russia’s Most Likely Course of Action: Russia is likely to use the Orthodox march to encourage or instigate clashes between Ukrainian nationalists and pro-Russian groups when the march reaches Kyiv. Russia aims to create sufficient political chaos with these clashes that President Poroshenko is pressured to call early elections, or else to disrupt parliament and trigger snap elections according to Ukrainian law. Russia will support Ukrainian political movements that oppose the current government to ensure that they gain power in the case of snap elections and push for representatives from separatist regions to be included. Russia will also exploit the clashes in the march to frame Ukraine as an unstable and violent society in order to discourage further Western support.  If Ukrainian security forces manage to prevent violent clashes, Russia will aim to push for early elections in Ukraine by other means, such as increased economic pressure.
  • Russia’s Most Dangerous Course of Action:  Russia could provoke clashes which pro-Russian actors would escalate to the point of major violence or major protests in Kyiv. These clashes could destabilize, and potentially, collapse the Ukrainian government and return a Russian client regime to power. They may tempt separatist forces to escalate militarily in the Donbas region in order to exploit distraction and disunity in Kyiv.
Implications: Opposition parties in Ukraine, including pro-Russian players, have a high likelihood of winning significant political victories in parliament if snap elections are called. Victory of parties loyal to the Russian Kremlin in Ukraine will have far-reaching implications for Ukraine’s relationship with the West and for Russia’s ability to pursue revanchist policies.
  1. The return of pro-Russia and populists parties to power in Ukraine would be a major geostrategic victory for President Putin. It would begin the reversal of gains made in the aftermath of Euromaidan Revolution. Ukraine would be pulled further from the EU and the reform path, and closer to Russia. It would also signal to the rest of the former Soviet Union that Moscow will not relinquish control of territory it perceives as within Russia’s presumed sphere of influence. 
  2. Political turmoil and nationalist clashes in Ukraine can help Russia build its anti-Ukrainian narrative in the EU to pull Ukraine further away from European integration. 
  3. Russia could potentially succeed in persuading European countries to lift sanctions in December of 2016. EU countries suffer from sanctions on Russia and could be convinced to lift them if Ukraine abandons its pro-Western stance and pursues rapprochement with Russia. The easing of sanctions would indicate to President Putin that he may act with impunity in Eastern Europe due to the absence of punishment mechanisms for Russia’s revanchist policies. 
  4. U.S. support for Ukraine might weaken if Ukraine realigns towards Russia. Russia may use the violent clashes in its information warfare campaign to undermine Ukraine’s image and cast
    doubt on its reliability as a partner. 

Indicators: The continued propaganda campaign that tracks the Orthodox march indicates that Russia is continuing to prepare the information space in Europe and domestically and believes that clashes are likely. Aggressive or increasingly agitated statements from Ukrainian nationalist organizations such as Right Sector would indicate that Ukrainian nationalists may be preparing to act against what they perceive as Russian provocateurs and infiltrators. Aggressive statements or signs of preparations for rapid escalation by pro-Russia separatist forces in Donbas would indicate that Russia’s military proxies are preparing to exploit political uncertainty and civil discontent within Ukraine. Editorials[vii] by the Russian press predicting snap elections or government collapse could also reveal Russian intent to trigger these events.




[i] [“Militants of ‘Right Sector’ tried to disrupt the Christian march for peace in Ukraine.”] Lenta.ru, July 13, 2016, [https://lenta.ru/news/2016/07/13/pravosector/
[ii] [“ ‘Right Sector’ and ‘Azov’ attack the Christian march for peace in Ukraine.”] Pravda, July 13, 2016, http://www.pravda.ru/news/world/formerussr/ukraine/13-07-2016/1306523-ukraina-0/
[iii] “Odessa tragedy ‘fascism in action’. RT, May 7, 2016, https://www.rt.com/news/157292-lavrov-odessa-ukraine-fascism/
[iv] [“On the meeting of K.K. Dolgov, Representative on Human Rights, Democracy and the Rule of Law of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia with Samardzic Markovic, the Director General of Democracy at the Council of Europe .”] Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, March 23, 2016, http://www.mid.ru/foreign_policy/news/-/asset_publisher/cKNonkJE02Bw/content/id/2184470
[v] “Ukraine’s Opposition Bloc says it has won elections in six regions.” TASS, October 25, 2015. tp://tass.ru/en/world/831691
[vi] “Protest march in Kiev against increased gas prices and civic services.” TASS, July 6, 2016, http://tass.ru/mezhdunarodnaya-panorama/3432749
[vii] “Ukraine from July 12-19: Radicals Raged.” RIA, July 20, 2016. http://ria.ru/analytics/20160720/1472413639.html

Tuesday, July 19, 2016

Moldova Warning: The Next Target for Russian Destabilization

By Franklin Holcomb, Kathleen Weinberger and Greg Steinhelper


Key Takeaway: Moldova has recently overtly signaled its intention to integrate more closely with Western structures, particularly the European Community and NATO, and its neighbor Ukraine. Russia sees such possible integration as a threat to its strategic goal of reasserting itself within the borders of the former Soviet Union. As a result, Russia could move to destabilize Moldova prior to its October 30 elections by stirring social unrest or even escalating to civil conflict or civil war as a means of justifying intervention by Russian forces in Transnistria. If pro-Russia actors can destabilize the Moldovan government and slow Moldova’s pursuit of Euro-Atlantic integration, Russia will have successfully undermined a third member of the former Soviet Union (prior targets include Georgia and Ukraine) as it sought western integration.


Moldova faces escalation by Russia and Russian-proxy forces in response to its increasingly overt advances towards EU and NATO.  The Kremlin perceives Moldova’s pursuit of integration with the west as a threat to Russia’s grand strategic objectives of regaining control of lost territory within the former Soviet Union and reestablishing itself as a global power. Russia may choose to destabilize the Moldovan government, particularly before its October 30th elections, in order to stop Moldova’s efforts to integrate with the West. Russia can achieve this through use of pro-Russia political parties within Moldova, overt political pressure, and its conventional and proxy military forces in Transnistria. Russia caused civil discontent in and ultimately invaded Georgia in 2008 and Ukraine in 2014 as they pursued similar goals.

The Republic of Moldova is a politically and ethnically divided country in which Russia maintains a high degree of political influence as well as conventional military forces.  Moldova, formerly the Romanian province of Bessarabia, was created by the Soviet Union in 1940 and gained its independence in 1991. The Russian separatist region of Transnistria declared independence from Moldova in 1990. Russia’s 14th Army intervened on the side of the breakaway groups in 1992 and has maintained a presence in the Transnistria region since the conflict froze. Russia justified the intervention as a means to protect the self-determination of Russian “compatriots.” Pro-Russia parties with close ties to Russian leadership continue to operate in Moldova. These movements have wide support among Russian speakers and those dissatisfied with current corruption and low standards of living in Moldova.

Russia and its proxy forces in Transnistria have issued a number of threatening warnings to the Moldovan government, signaling the Kremlin’s intent to alter Moldova’s paths towards NATO and the EU.  Russia reaffirmed its support of ethnic Russians in Transnistria, a narrative Russia also advanced prior to invading Georgia and Ukraine, and warned Moldova against cooperating with its neighbors Ukraine[1] and Romania[2] prior to the July 08-09 NATO Summit in Warsaw. Russian Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin conducted[3] an official visit to Moldova from July 05-July 07, his first visit since 2014. He warned Moldova that if it were to pursue unification with NATO member Romania, Transnistria would seek full independence. He added that Moldova “had better let Transnistria go amicably” and emphasized that Russian forces deployed in support of the Transnistrian separatists would “fulfill their duties until the end.” Rogozin justified Russia’s continued support for Transnistria by claiming that “our compatriots, our citizens, our brethren” live in the region. He announced that Russia would expand[4] its ties to Transnistria in coming years, signaling Russia’s long-term interest in supporting the separatist region. The leader of Transnistria Yevgeny Shevchuk accused[5] Moldova of violating its neutrality by expanding cooperation with NATO July 05th. He also accused Romanian aircraft of frequently violating[6] Transnistrian airspace to “photograph military facilities.” This explicit warning about alleged Romanian activity in Moldova and Transnistria from Russian proxy forces is a Russian warning to Moldova over its close relationship with Romania. The majority of Moldovans share deep cultural and linguistic ties to Romania and there have been efforts from both sides to reunify the states.  The narrative of Romanian interference in Moldova as preparation for reunification may be used by pro-Russia actors as justification for destabilizing activity in Moldova.

Moldova has been increasingly overt about its intention to integrate further with the western structures and break away from Russia’s grip after Rogozin and Shevchuk made their warnings.  Moldova has crossed four potential Russian redlines in the past two weeks.

  • First, Moldovan Minister of Defense Anatol Salaru called on NATO at the NATO summit to support the removal of Russian forces from Transnistria, calling instead for a multinational civil mission. This move by Moldova is not only a clear signal to Russia that it will not follow Moscow’s mandates about its foreign policy, but also that it is willing to go so far as to request support from NATO. This is likely to be seen as highly provocative by the Kremlin.
  • Second, the Moldovan government took decisive steps internally to limit Russian influence following Russia and Transnistria’s warnings. The Moldovan parliament adopted[7] amendments to a bill in its first of two rounds of voting that would severely restrict Russian controlled and Russian language media broadcasts in Moldova on July 07. The Russian Foreign Ministry denounced[8] the “unfriendly move” and warned that it would monitor the situation “closely.”  The bill would pose a serious threat to Russia’s domination[9] of the information space in Moldova if implemented.
  • Third, Moldova continued its outreach to Ukraine based on the shared goals of integration into the Euro-Atlantic community and common security concerns. President of Moldova Nicolae Timofti met[10] with leading Ukrainian and Moldovan statesmen while Ukrainian Foreign Minister Pavlo Klimkin met with his Moldovan counterpart on July 12 after Rogozin and Shevchuk issued their warnings. Leaders at both meetings discussed[11] the common goal of pursuing integration into the EU and Euro-Atlantic community and the shared threat posed by the Russian occupation of Donbas and Transnistria. Moldova announced that it would end trade restrictions with Ukraine following the meeting on July 12 in order to develop “harmonious” relations with Ukraine.
  • Fourth, Moldova and Romania, a NATO member state, continued to strengthen their close relationship. The Romanian ambassador to Moldova promised continued economic assistance for the struggling Moldovan government and reemphasized Romania’s support for Moldova over crisis regarding Transnistria on July 14th. Prominent leaders,[12] including the former President of Romania on July 08, and political movements in both countries have called for the reunification of the two countries. These movements are opposed by pro-Russia Moldovan parties who accused the U.S. of orchestrating a plot to reunify the two countries in order to provoke conflict between Russia, Ukraine, and the West.

Russia maintains the grand strategic objective of asserting dominance over the former Soviet Union, particularly over non-NATO and non-EU states like Moldova. Russia’s forces in the separatist region of Transnistria provide Russia with valuable terrain near NATO’s eastern border and threatening Ukraine in which they have the opportunity to expand their military infrastructure and troop presence. Russia prioritizes the strategic value of its garrison and proxy forces in Transnitria, which allows Russia to easily exert pressure the Moldovan government and threaten Ukraine’s western border. The Transnistrian border is less than 50 miles from Ukraine’s key port-city of Odesa, allowing Russia to directly threaten and continue to support destabilizing pro-Russian[13] forces within the city. Moldova’s overt steps towards western structures and its efforts to solidify alliances with its neighbors threaten Russia’s ability to apply military pressure in the region.

Russia may choose to escalate social tensions before the October 30 presidential election in order to topple the current pro-western Moldovan government. Moldova’s government would likely collapse in face of widespread social pressure. Russia could attempt to use its soft power assets including the pro-Russian “Party of Socialists” and “Our Party” to mobilize mass protests, similar to the protest movement which stormed the Moldovan parliament on January 21st. This would destabilize the fragile Moldovan government and likely lead to snap elections. Snap elections would likely result in the greater empowerment of pro-Russia parties in the Moldovan government which could derail the country’s efforts to integrate with western structures.

Destabilization in Moldova could be easily be escalated by President Putin to civil conflict or civil war. Russia could use such clashes to justify intervention by Russian “peacekeeping forces” currently deployed in Transnistria in order to restore stability. Overt Russian military activity in Moldovan territory outside Transnistria is especially dangerous, as it could pull in various regional actors, including NATO member states. Moldova’s regional partner Ukraine may intervene in support of pro-western Moldovans in order to support its vulnerable neighbor and secure its western border. Ukraine would perceive a collapsed Moldova and an empowered Transnistria with an active, combat effective Russian garrison as a direct military threat to its western flank.  Ukrainian forces clashing with Russian or Russian proxy forces in Moldova could escalate the conflict in eastern Ukraine and be used to justify Russian overt retaliation against Ukraine. Romanian intervention to end the crisis on its eastern border and support its compatriots could involve NATO in the conflict. Many NATO members would likely oppose supporting Romania in order to avoid escalation with Russia. States with large Russian minorities such as Latvia and Estonia would interpret Russia’s actions in Moldova as clear signaling about its intentions within the former Soviet Union. These countries, likely be backed by other Eastern European states, would likely call for support of Romania.  This could threaten the integrity of NATO should Romania call for support using NATO Article 5.

President Putin retains the ability to rapidly escalate in Moldova in order to halt its efforts to integrate with the west. Continued or heightened rhetoric from Russian officials and media calling for support of Russian compatriots would likely precede Russian action in Moldova. Events that trigger public or international outcry against the Moldovan government, such as sudden revelations of corruption or gross misconduct within Moldovan government, would indicate that Russia may be laying the groundwork for mass protests aimed at toppling the Moldovan government. Russia would likely couple street protests with overt military pressure on the Moldovan and Romanian governments in order to prevent action against Russian provocations. Increased Russian military activity in Transnistria and the western Black Sea, or sudden Ukrainian deployments to the Ukrainian-Transnistrian border would indicate that Russia is preparing to attempt to pursue this course of action. Widespread protests across the country from all political groups would likely indicate that Russia has managed to generate sufficient outrage against the government to lead to its implosion. Russia would signal its intent to overtly intervene in the crisis by surging military activity in Transnistria and continuing its narrative of having a responsibility to support Russian speakers amidst deadly clashes as it did in Ukraine in 2014, Georgia in 2008, and Transnistria in 1992. Russian escalation in response to Moldova’s efforts to pivot to the west poses security risks for Moldova, Ukraine, and NATO.




[1] “Russian deputy PM warns Moldova of possible provocations by Ukrainian radicals,” TASS, July 6, 2016, http://tass(.)ru/en/politics/886642
[2] “Russian official: Moldova may lose Transdniestria due to rapprochement with Romania,” TASS, July 8, 2016, http://tass(.)ru/en/politics/887032
[3] “Russian deputy prime minister Dmitrii Rogozin comes to Moldova for a two-day visit,” PUBLIKA(.)MD, July 5, 2016, http://en.publika(.)md/russian-deputy-prime-minister-dmitrii-rogozin-comes-to-moldova-for-a-two-day-visit_2625001(.)html
[4] “Russia adheres to its guarantor of peace status on Dniester – deputy PM,” TASS, July 6, 2016, http://tass(.)ru/en/politics/886651
[5] “Transdniestria leader accuses Moldova of stepping up cooperation with NATO,” TASS, July 5, 2016, http://tass(.)ru/en/world/886438
[6] Ibid
[7] “Russian Foreign Ministry slams Moldova’s intention to toughen broadcast law,” TASS, July 11, 2016, http://tass(.)ru/en/politics/887569
[8] Ibid
[9] “Freedom House report: Press freedom in Moldova remains constrained by partisanship,” Moldova(.)org, June 18, 2016, http://www.moldova(.)org/en/freedom-house-report-press-freedom-moldova-remains-constrained-partisanship/
[10] “Moldovan foreign minister meets Ukrainian counterpart,” MOLDPRES, July 12, 2016, http://www.moldpres(.)md/en/news/2016/07/12/16005628
[11] “Nicolae Timofti Meets With Former Presidents of Ukraine and Moldova,” Tribuna, July 12, 2016, http://tribuna(.)md/en/2016/07/12/oaspeti-de-rang-inalt-la-presedintie-necazul-ii-uneste-pe-oameni/
[12] [“Basescu proposes a referendum on the unification of Romania and Moldova”], Deschide Stirea, August 16, 2015, http://deschide(.)md/ro/news/romania/18181/B%C4%83sescu-propune-un-referendum-privind-unirea-Rom%C3%A2niei-cu-RMoldova(.)htm#
[13] “Ukraine Says It Uncovered Plot to Create People’s Republic in Odessa,” The Moscow Times, October 28, 2014, http://www.themoscowtimes(.)com/articles/ukraine-says-it-uncovered-plot-to-create-peoples-republic-in-odessa-40821